33. हिंदू धर्म ही … सारख्याच स्वरूपाची राजकीय विचारसरणी आहे

HINDUISM IS POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AS THE SAME CHARACTER AS……

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in a statement says :— General Chiang Kai-Shek has made an appeal to the British Government to give the people of India without waiting for any demands on their part real political power as speedily as possible. But he has not given any solution of the difficulties which have come in the way of such a consummation. The diffculty is caused by the Congress not accepting the fundamental feature of the August Declaration made by the Viceroy that the future Constitution of India must have the consent of certain important elements in the national life of India. Equally, the difficulty is due to the British Government not realizing what its responsibility is. The Congress cannot expect any sane person who knows anything about conditions in India to agree to the Government of the country being placed in the hands of the Hindu majority, simply because it is a majority. The Congress chooses to forget that Hinduism is a political ideology of the same character as the Fascist and or Nazi ideology and is thoroughly anti-democratic. If Hinduism is let loose—which is what Hindu majority means—it will prove a menace to the growth of others who are outside Hinduism and are opposed to Hinduism. This is not the point of view of Muslims alone. It is also the point of view of the Depressed Classes and also of the non-Brahmins.

Only Antidote I think it is possible for the British Government to make a declaration in terms on the following lines :— (1) That it is proposed to raise India to the status of a Dominion Status within three years from the date of peace, (2) That for the speedy consummation of that end, the elements in the national life of India will be required to produce an agreed solution of their constitutional difference within one year from the date of the signing of the armistice,

(3) That failing agreement the British Government would submit the dispute to an International Tribunal for decision, and (4) That when such decision is given the British Government shall undertake to give effect to it as a part of the Dominion Constitution for India.

Such a declaration must satisfy all reasonable people. As far as I am able to see, it meets Mr. Jinnah’s point of view and the point of view of the Depressed Classes that there must be an agreed solution of the communal problem. It also meets the Congress point of view that no element in the national life of British India should be allowed the power to veto the birth of a Dominion Consitution. The arguments that we are in the midst of the war is no argument against making the declaration. Indeed, it is an argument in favour of it. Harijan-Muslim Bone of Contention Should the declaration be accompanied by a National Government ? It would be better if it could be done. But there is a diffculty for which Mr. Jinnah is making two demands : (1) One is ultimate, namely Pakistan; (2) The other is immediate, namely 50 per cent representation in the Cabinet. l can quite understand the demand for Pakistan when Mr. Jinnah says that the Muslims are a nation, I feel no reason to quarrel. When Mr. Jinnah says the Muslims must have Pakistan because they are a nation, I say have it, if you do not thereby run away with a large belt of Hindu population, who on your own theory are of different nationality. With regard to Pakistan I feel like pointing out that Mr. Jinnah seems to be counting his chickens before they are hatched, and reckoning without the host.

The N. W. F. is the most integral part of this Pakistan. Mr. Jinnah must admit that he is not the host of the N. W. F. The host is Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Without his consent, there could be no Pakistan. Rather than carry on a whirlwind propaganda in favour of Pakistan, Mr. Jinnah should spend his time and energy in converting Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. That is, however, a matter for Jinnah to consider. As I said, I can understand Pakistan.

Monstrous But I cannot understand this demand for 50 per cent representation for the Muslim community. Nor can I see how this immediate demand of 50 per cent is related to the ultimate demand of Pakistan. I am sure this demand of the Muslim League is a monstrous thing and I have no doubt that Lord Linlithgow has done the greatest service to India by putting it down.

I am definitely of opinion that no National Government ought to be established in India as an interim measure, if it means conceding to Mr. Jinnahhis claim for 50 per cent. After all, I cannot believe that the National Government can do more in the matter of war effort than what is being done. India simply cannot do more, her capacity has not been developed. The fault lies entirely with the British Government. They had chosen not to develop the resources of India in peace time and it has therefore become impossible for the Government or the National Government to do more than what is being done. If she had been fully developed she could have defended the Empire. She cannot now defend herself. She must, indeed she is compelled to look to England to defend her from the impending Japanese invasion ; such is her helpless condition. The appointment of an Indian—as a Defence Member may be good, but is that enough ? Without the means of defence at his disposal, what an Indian Defence Minister can do it is difficult to understand.

I should have thought that the wiser course for Indians would be to ask England to send out to India the means of defence, which she is hoarding for her own safety. Therein lies the immediate interest of India and therein also lies the duty of England.—A. P.” 1 zz 1: The Bombay Chroricle, dated 26th February 1942.